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A Red Sea Island Just Got More Expensive Than Your Gas Tank

By Jose Navarro | The Navarro Report

Every escalation in the Middle East now arrives at the same destination: the pump. This week it was a strip of volcanic rock most Americans have never heard of. Yemen’s Iranian-backed Houthi rebels seized Mayun Island — also called Perim — at the mouth of the Bab el-Mandeb Strait on September 11, their largest territorial gain of the war. Within a day, Saudi Arabia shut down its East-West oil pipeline after a drone strike, citing precautionary measures. The math that follows is not abstract. It is evident in the receipt every driver holds after filling up.

The key finding: a second chokepoint is now in play

The Bab el-Mandeb Strait matters because the Strait of Hormuz, roughly 20% of the world’s daily oil supply, has been effectively closed since the U.S.-Israel war on Iran began in February. Saudi Arabia’s adaptation was to reroute exports through the Red Sea and the East-West pipeline instead. That workaround is now the target. Shipping through Bab el-Mandeb had already fallen by about 60% since Houthi attacks began in late 2023; this latest advance, paired with the pipeline shutdown, closes off the alternative route Saudi Arabia spent months building. Riyadh is left sending oil the long way, north through the Red Sea toward the Mediterranean via Suez or Egypt’s pipeline system — a substantially longer, costlier haul for its Asian customers.

The consequence is a market with two major arteries constrained at once. Brent crude settled above $101 a barrel this week, its highest close since May, and Goldman Sachs has warned prices could climb past $120 in 2027 if Gulf output stays roughly four million barrels a day below prewar levels. Regional officials tie the Houthi advance to Iran’s broader strategy: pressure the United States economically by keeping global energy prices elevated, particularly with U.S. midterm elections seven weeks away.

The fiscal angle: what this costs American households

AAA’s national average for regular gasoline reached $4.22 a gallon this week, the highest since early June and a substantial jump from $3.19 at this point last year and roughly $2.98 before the Iran war began. Diesel is worse: a record $5.94 a gallon nationally, a cost that does not stay contained to truckers. Diesel powers the freight network that moves groceries, building materials, and manufacturing inputs across the country, so every spike is a quiet, regressive tax layered onto the price of goods that have nothing to do with oil.

California offers a instructive case study in what a supply shock does when it lands on top of the nation’s already-highest pump prices. State averages spiked past $6 a gallon during the sharpest phase of this year’s war-driven volatility before cooling into the high $4 range over summer. San Diego, historically running several cents above the statewide figure, tracked the same arc. With the national average now climbing again on the back of this week’s developments, California drivers — who pay a premium tied to limited in-state refining capacity, a mandated summer fuel blend, and the state’s own excise and cap-and-trade costs layered atop crude prices — are positioned to absorb the next leg of any renewed spike disproportionately. A war fought over an island in the Red Sea becomes, within days, a line item in a San Diego household’s monthly budget.

There is a second, less visible fiscal channel worth flagging: municipal and county fleet costs. Transit agencies, school districts, and public safety departments that operate diesel vehicles feel this instantaneously in their fuel lines, with no ability to defer the expense to a future budget cycle. When diesel jumps 30 cents in a week, that is an unbudgeted mid-year hit that local finance officers have to absorb, typically by trimming elsewhere. It is the kind of downstream, easy-to-miss consequence that a purely geopolitical read of the Houthi advance would overlook entirely.

What to watch

Whether this pressure is transient or durable depends on two things: whether Saudi Arabia’s pipeline comes back online quickly, and whether the Houthis can consolidate control of Mayun Island rather than losing it in a counterattack from the internationally recognized Yemeni government, whose forces reportedly withdrew from the island Friday. Diplomatic talks among Iran, Iraq, and Gulf states are scheduled in Oman this week over safe shipping through Hormuz — a signal that even combatants recognize the compounding cost of a fully constrained Gulf. Until there is a resolution, the arithmetic is straightforward and unforgiving: two chokepoints under pressure instead of one means less oil reaching the market, and less oil reaching the market means the number on the sign outside every gas station keeps ratcheting upward.

The link between a rebel advance on a Red Sea island and the cost of a fill-up in Linda Vista is not a metaphor. It is a supply chain, and it is measurable in dollars and cents at every stop along the way.


Jose Navarro is a financial controller and public affairs analyst based in San Diego with more than two decades of experience in public finance, government contract compliance, and nonprofit management. He holds an MBA and publishes The Navarro Report, an independent outlet covering fiscal accountability and government spending.

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